British and European Elections:
Paper for the ERIS May monthly meeting
John Merritt (Social and Solidarity Enterprise Worker and ERIS Board)
There is a lot to consider when looking for Constitutional and Policy ideas for 28 countries with over 512 million people having the right to vote for its politicians. It could be described as the second biggest democratic vote, next to India’s 830 million eligible voters.A Parliamentary majority is almost bound to be the result a coalition and the main stream left and right parties tend to be centre left or centre right.
Europe is home to the world’s largest single market and second most used currency. It is the largest trade power and development and humanitarian aid donor. It has the world’s biggest multinational research programme and is at the forefront of technological and social innovation. Its diplomacy holds real weight and helps keep the world safer and more sustainable, as shown by the historic deal with Iran on its nuclear programme and the leading role the EU played in the Paris Climate Agreement and the adoption by the United Nations of the Sustainable Development Goals for 2030
Further, it is not a State; rather it isthe creation of numerous Treaties and agreements which govern different areas of European activity. For example, the Euro in used by 23 countries 19 in the EU and 4 outside (The non-EU countries are Andorra, Vatican City, and Monaco and San Marino) and was established at the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. But eight EU countries have not adopted it, including the UK. The European Central Bank is responsible for the currency and is governed by the Governing Council (Six Executive Board members and the governors of the 19 national central banks that use the Euro with the remit to ensure price stability and maintain the Euro’s international trading value.
Regarding trading there are 31 countries in the single market (E.U. and European Economic Area) which these are subject to two trade courts; The European Court of Justice (whose judgement are overseen by the Committee of Europe (the Foreign Ministers for members of the E.U.) and the EFTA Court. Further, forty-seven countries have signed up to the European Court of Human Rights which deal more with Civil, Humanitarian and Social Law.
So the task for the authors of the European Parties Manifesto’s and ideas for progress are not simple and for me to summarise these in 30 minutes is ambitious, but I shall do my best and hopefully add to your understanding.
I am going to focus on five Socialist and Social Democratic proposals in Manifestos, papers and programmes.These outline the priorities their authors and advisors think will best sustain and improve life, work and the environment for people across the Europe, each with a different view about the nature of capitalism.
All five proposals have different levels of detail and focus and each propose different degrees of change to the Structures and Policies of the European Union and for a wider Europe. These are based on analysis, history and their general approach to economic, social and environmental development.
While we know electing a Centre left or radical left majority in the E.U. is only part of the story. The Council of Ministers and the Euro-zone Committee will not change as a result of the elections; the Commission will only change its leadership and perhaps acceptance of political direction. The European Parliament is often not the originator or final arbiter of decisions, but it is still the case that we get much better Policy and Legislation if the Left have a Parliamentary majority. So it is doubtless the case, that for a strong Social Europe we need a Left wing Parliament and we will get a weak social Europe with right wing majorities.
In addition to the main European left proposals I will also refer to the Labour Party and British TUC contributions, but as we know or discover, the British Labour Party is currently unlikely to help lead ideas for the future direction of the E.U. The Party produced a Manifesto that is 15 pages long with lots of pictures, compared to the 120 page manifesto for the UK Election in 207.
This is disappointing, as the Labour Party is caught up in trying to respond to what could have been called the Conservative Party referendum. In 2016 Labour was on the front foot when Corbyn said;
“There is a strong socialist case for staying in the European Union, just as there is also a powerful socialist case for reform and progressive change in Europe. By working together across our continent, we can develop our economies, protect social and human rights, tackle climate change and clamp down on tax dodgers. You cannot build a better world unless you engage with the world, build allies and deliver change. The EU, warts and all, has proved itself to be a crucial international framework to do that. Collective international action through the European Union is clearly going to be vital to meeting these challenges. Britain will be stronger if we co‐operate with our neighbours in facing them together.”
On the bases of Jeremy Corbyn’s words from 2016 words, I position I agreed with then and a [position I still hold now, I will spend a bit more time on what I regard as five important contributions that take that position, and look only briefly at the Labour Party Manifesto and UK Trade Union views which no longer recognise the ‘Crucial International Framework’ the E.U. offers. These are;
This is the Manifesto for the main stream social and democratic Labour Parties in Europe. It was written by the Socialist Europe Policy Commission, chaired by Ann Pettifor a UK Political Economist, author and Director of the organisation Policy Research in Macroeconomics. The Labour Party signed up to this programme.
The document is a short but with comprehensive references. It is the general platform for the main stream centre left parties across Europe. In summary it proposes policies designed to make the E.U. a beacon of democracy, peace and stability, as well as a benchmark for social justice, dialogue, multilateralism, human rights, decent work, the rule of law, sustainable development and gender equality
To achieve these ambitions, a plethora of proposals are given of making the democracy better, introducing new Policies and Laws. These are introduced under seven headings;
a) A Europe of Equality and Fairness (Social Action Plan – strengthening the Pillar of Social Rights)
b) A Europe of Solidarity for the many not the few (Industrial strategy – Investment, better working rights, more equal distribution of wealth, fair tax etc.)
c) A sustainable Europe that protects our planet (Environmental strategy)
d) A free and democratic Europe (Social Action Plan)
e) A feminist Europe with equal rights for all (EU Gender Equality Strategy)
f) A progressive Europe with a youth plan (European Child Guarantee – health, education, culture, etc)
g) A strong and united Europe that promotes a better world (binding social and environmental standards, human rights, consumer protection and workers’ rights in all future trade agreements, common defence policy, 0.7% aid budget, Reform of the U.N and more.
The published Manifesto I read has little detail but the direction is fairly clear. So while it does not argue for a fundamental constitutional reform, it has a strong focus on elements of what could broadly be called progressive Policy and Law within the next parliamentary session.
It has attracted significant support and their proposals are over forty pages. It is a fairly comprehensive document covering 12 subject headings; Their proposals are extensive with some detail. Their objective is to put the European Union on a firm Constitutional and Democratic footing with progressive economic policies and structures by 2025 – A Constituted Federation of European States.
They have some candidates standing under different party names in different countries, including Yanis Varoufakis who is standing in Germany. They have candidates in 7 countries for this election.
Here are the headlines of their proposals
Democracy:
A Democratic Constitution • Empowering Parliament • Direct Democracy • Copenhagen Commission • Radical Municipalism • Right to Information • Mandatory Lobby Register • Ending Cash-for-Citizenship • Closing the Revolving Door • Fighting Corruption • Protecting Whistle-blowers • Transnational Voting Rights
Workers:
Universal Citizen Dividend • Jobs Guarantee • Workers Compact • Cooperative Culture • Worker Ownership Funds • Workers Commission • Improving Self-Employment • Public Sector Erasmus
Solidarity
Solidary Single Market • Expanded Cohesion Fund • Solidarity Programme • Eradicating Child Poverty • Housing Security for All • European Health Standard • Right to Water • Solidarity for People with Disabilities • Decriminalizing Drugs
Nature, Environment and a Green Transition
Green New Deal • 2030 Climate Compact • Pricing Fossil Fuels • Transforming Agriculture and Land Use Policy • Disaster Prevention, Protection, and Adaptation Plan • Animal Welfare Standard • Fighting Pollution • Europe’s Blue Transition • A Ban on Fracking • European Environmental Court
Eurozone and EU Public Finance
Expanding the EU Budget • Democratising EU Budget • Budget Tracking Tool • European Clearing Union • Public Debt Conversion • Completed Banking Union • European Treasury • Democratising the ESM • Democratising the ECB
Debt Tax and the Financial Situation
European People’s Bank • Private Debt Restructuring Organisation • Ending Tax Havens • Beneficial Ownership Registry • European Inheritance Tax • Implementing the Coordinated Corporate Tax • Taming Finance • Enforcing the Financial Transactions Tax
Migrants, Refugees and Newcomers
Humane Common Asylum System • Ending Fortress Europe • Supporting Family Reunification • Ending the Externalization of EU Borders • European Search and Rescue Operation • Decriminalising Solidarity • Political Rights for Migrants • Supporting Integration • Fighting Migrant Exploitation • Defending and Extending the Freedom of Movement
Trade and Europe’s role in the World
Just Trade • Ending Investor Privileges • Fair Intellectual Property Rights • Peace & Solidarity Pact • Holding Transnational Corporations Accountable • Bolstering EU Accessions • International Clearing Union
Women, Gender Equality and LGBTTQAI Rights
Equal Pay Standard • Gender Parity in the EU • Convention on Reproductive Rights • Ending Gender-Based Violence • Enforcing LGBTTQIA+ Rights
Technological Sovereignty
The Right to Open Internet • European Autonomous Data Network • Democratising Research and Innovation • Open Platform Standards • Building the Digital Commons • Cyber Security Rights • Free & Open-Source Governance
Arts and Culture
Protecting the Cultural Commons • Fighting Gentrification • Ending Artist Exploitation • Decolonising Culture • Recasting Creative Europe • Expanding Access to the Arts • European Public Broadcaster • Public Media Fund
Youth and Education
Empowering Public Education • Universal Erasmus • A Better Youth Guarantee • European Apprenticeship Contract • Ending Youth Exploitation • European Teaching Corps • Commemorating Common History • Beyond Structured Dialogue
This is an ambitious plan has detail and a set the objectives which include achieving a vote on the Constitution of Europe by 2025. Others, objectives they hope will be introduced before. They have 70,000 members across Europe.
The manifesto document is only the pages long but is backed up by a Treaty proposal and a book and academic papers, which give a firm underpinning to the proposals.
They argue for the creation of a new body, a European Assemblywhich would be responsible for deliberating about and voting upon an additional European Budget. Theproposal empowers those member states that wish to address the current political and social crisis of the European project by proposing a budget of long-term investments in public assets on a European scale.
The new Treaty has been written in a way that enables it to be adopted by any states that agree with it, and does not need a change to and other existing treaties. The assembly would have 80% of its number from the national parliaments and 20% from the European parliament.
Its budget would be largely focussed on research, training and universities alongside integration, training and support for migrants. It would also be used to help finance the translocation that emerges from the new models of sustainable development that are indicated by the research findings.
Financing of the Budget they suggest, could be based on fiscal solidarity through the creation of four European taxes (on high incomes, on wealth, on carbon emissions and a harmonized corporate profits’ tax).
They argue it is needed now because there is no coherent alternatives to the continued neo liberalism, populist nationalism and EU leavers like the UK. They say it will have the legitimacy to act as a counterbalance to the ever-growing impact of Europe’s economic governance on national social pacts. The budget could not be vetoed by an individual country, an EU practice that is says has led to limited actions on regressive tax and the growth of inequality.
The Treaty has over 116,000 people signed up as supporters.
This has some more far reaching proposals than the Party of European Socialists. For example, reform of the Eurozone, reform of State Aid Policy, a Constitutional Convention discussion regarding democratisation that focuses both on the
further democratisation of EU institutions and on the way that Europe’s can play a role role in taming globalisation which could help to restore substantive democracy at all levels.
Although the organisation has a UK origin, it seems to be gaining engagement from several European left and Green figures including a growing initiative European Alternatives (atransnational civil society organisation and citizen movement promoting democracy, equality, and culture beyond the nation state).
AEIP recognise the growing influence of Cities and Regions and that witin the E.U. these governments and economies can have a significant impact on their regions and cities citizens. The UK is significantly behind in the international trend for using empowering this level of government and economic intervention. Democratic bodies, with revenue raising powers, employing the process of municipalism and regional economic and social councils to empower devolved governments and citizens. The Case of Catalonia indicates a risk in this area, but perhaps less of a risk than neo-liberalism and populist nationalism
The term Another Europe is possible is included on the website of European United Left and Nordic Green Left (MEP’s from Syriza, Sinn Fein, Der Linke, Podemos, Portuguese Communist party and others sit in this group). AEIP often share platforms with Labour for a Socialist Europe. It is perhaps not a fully coherent and mainstream position, but it engages with the left wing decentralising arms of red and green political parties.
I can not find the number of members in AEIP but in the UK, I would estimate it to be 10’s of thousands
The programme says “the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) – with some 45 million working people in 90 trade unions in 38 countries – believes that a fairer Europe for workers is possible, based on democracy and social justice, quality jobs and higher wages, a socially fair and just transitions to a low-carbon and digital economy.
This should be the basis of a new social contract for Europe. With a lot of synergy with the Party of European Socialists, but also refers to a Social Progress Protocol in the EU Treaty, to give social rights precedence over economic freedoms.
They want to see economic and social justice balanced with competitiveness, and tools created for preventing workers suffering most heavily from economic shocks. Progressive tax regimes and the introduction of policies to prevent tax avoidance and evasion.
They call for the defence of existing democratic rights and equality and diversity policies as well as more democracy in the workplace, more collective bargaining and a pay-rise for all European Workers.
They support a just transition to a low carbon high tech economy, with better wages, secure contracts with employment rights for precarious workers.
They want to see the Pillars of a Social Europe implemented and strengthened.
Migration should be managed to ensure human rights are protected.
International Cooperation should be strengthened, democracy upheld in the ILO and UN and other international bodies should be more democratic and support social justice.
The document is relatively short, only 3 pages, but has 23 items of note, which are backed up by previous and co-existing work in each of the areas. Also, the ETUC is not standing, so they are trying to influence agenda’s and manifesto’s not creating their own. Their recommendation is to vote for candidates who support the ETUC programme (which is almost all of the left of centre parties).
Transforming Britain and Europe: For the Many not the Few. The Labour Party Manifesto.
The Labour Party reiterate some of the commitments in the New Social Contract (as they should as a Party of European Socialists) but they do not recreate them all nor try to establish the vital part they could play in improving the European Union for ordinary people. Also they give some commitments which they want to bring in for the UK, but to do this they need to win a general election and the Manifesto did not read well as a reason to support Labour in Europe. There was no commitment given to Leaving, revoking Article 50, creating a new Deal or demanding a Confirmatory Vote.
They argue for investment in areas left behind and in the green economy.
They pledge to end austerity and take back utilities into public ownership.
They state they will support improved workers and citizens’ rights and support a policy of significant freedom of movement and talk about the benefits of migration, although they do not show any detail of what this means in Policy and Law.
They will campaign for continued security cooperation and continue to call for the UK to play a bigger role to support fair asylum and migration policies.
They say Labour will lead the fight against racism at home and across Europe, wherever and however it arises. The final statement is that Labour wants to bring our country back together. Not Bring Europe together or help reshape Europe, which would make it clearer as to how they see UK Europe relations in 10, 20 or 30 years time.
The Manifesto does not comment on the big Constitutional questions about the creation of a constituted state, or how to increase E.U. Parliamentary control. It does not support or criticise the creation of an additional Assembly (Treaty for Democracy in Europe),They do not comment on the Eurozone or how they would engage with it, and they do not propose any significant constitutional reforms.
On Policy, they do not mention reforming state aid laws, or how the would approach the other reasons given as problems with the E.U. In summary it could be described as a poor relation to the Manifestos and Programmes of the wider left in Europe, which is disappointing given the claim that the British Labour Party is the biggest socialist/social democratic Party in Europe.
The TUC has said very little, as have individual Trade Unions. There is a call for respectful campaigning and for people not to use or allow hate speech. They say, as they have done for months, that Whatever deal we make has to maintain workers’ rights and preserve tariff-free, barrier-free, frictionless trade with the rest of Europe. We think the best way to do that is to stay in the single market and customs union.Also, they say; we’ll be advocating for the rights of EU nationals living in the UK, and Brits living in the EU. All of them need a guarantee that their lives won’t be disrupted by Brexit – and that they get the right to stay permanently.
UK Trade Unions are split on a Confirmatory or Peoples Vote.
Questions and conclusions
There is some consensus on the short-term direction of travel of the E.U. on the left. That is away from neo-liberalism and nationalist tendencies and towards social democracy. These include;
However, to bring these in, we need a progressive left majority in the E.U. and I fear the Lib Dems and Change UK will not support much of this. Rob Martin has talked about the campaign error Labour is making (and has with Europe since the mid 1980’s) in not being clear about remaining and what socialist reforms they would want to bring about.
Here are some questions I think we need to consider which the current centre left is ignoring;
What view should we take on;
A Confirmatory Vote or Revoking Article 50 which the majority of Labour Party Members and Labour MP’s support?
Appendix
The view from the E.U. commission
The EU Commissions’ 2017, gives a picture of what the ‘European Establishment’ think is at stake.
In the paper, the EU Commission notes;
Europe is home to the world’s largest single market and second most used currency. It is the largest trade power and development and humanitarian aid donor. It has the world’s biggest multinational research programme and is at the cutting edge of innovation. Its diplomacy holds real weight and helps keep the world safer and more sustainable, as shown by the historic deal with Iran on its nuclear programme and the leading role the EU played in the Paris Climate Agreement and the adoption by the United Nations of the Sustainable Development Goals for 2030.
They also recognise challenges such as;
The Global Financial Crisis of 2008 (which) is still having an impact. The build-up of troops on our eastern borders, war and terrorism in the Middle East and Africa, and increasing militarisation around the world. The E.U has experienced the biggest influx of migrants in European history which has had a significant social, cultural and economic impact. International terrorism has been an increasing concern and the plan to ensure no communities are left behind has not been achieved.
It is obvious from this description that Europe and the European Union are major players on the world stage, however, it is not as coherent as the United States, China or Russia for example. The institutions of Europe are diverse and rules and regulations and agreements do not apply universally.
Rather Treaties and agreements largely govern European areas of activity. For example, the Euro in used by 23 countries 19 in the EU and 4 outside (The non-EU countries are Andorra, Vatican City, and Monaco and San Marino) was established at the Maastricht Treaty. But eight EU countries have not adopted it, including the UK. The European Central Bank is responsible for the currency and is governed by the Governing Council (Six Executive Board members and the governors of the 28 national central banks) with the remit to ensure price stability and maintain the Euro’s international trading value.
And from another perspective we can see there are 31 countries in the single market (E.U. and European Economic Area) which these are subject to two trade courts; The European Court of Justice (whose judgement are overseen by the Committee of Europe (the Foreign Ministers for members of the E.U.) and the EFTA Court.
Further, forty-seven countries have signed up to the European Court of Human Rights which deal more with Civil, Humanitarian and Social Law.
From another Treaty perspective we can see a Common Security and Defence Policy(CSDP) for the E.U, though the issue of a possible European Police force and European Army are very vexed.
The political organisations involved with setting laws, budgets, economic strategy etc, the Council of Ministers, the European Council, the European Parliament, the European Commission and the European Economic and Social Council. Any future for Europe will be complicated and difficult. The Commission explored five future scenarios for Europe;
1: CARRYING ON
In a scenario where the EU27 sticks to its course, it focuses on implementing and upgrading its current reform agenda. This is done in the spirit of the Commission’s New Start for Europe in 2014 and of the Bratislava Declaration agreed by all 27 Member States in 2016. Priorities are regularly updated, problems are tackled as they arise and new legislation is rolled out accordingly
2: NOTHING BUT THE SINGLE MARKET
In a scenario where the EU27 cannot agree to do more in many policy areas, it increasingly focuses on deepening certain key aspects of the single market. There is no shared resolve to work more together in areas such as migration, security or defence. As a result, the EU27 does not step up its work in most policy domains.
3: THOSE WHO WANT MORE DO MORE
In a scenario where the EU27 proceeds as today but where certain Member States want to do more in common, one or several “coalitions of the willing” emerge to work together in specific policy areas. These may cover policies such as defence, internal security, taxation or social matters.
4: DOING LESS MORE EFFICIENTLY
In a scenario where there is a consensus on the need to better tackle certain priorities together, the EU27 decides to focus its attention and limited resources on a reduced number of areas. As a result, the EU27 is able to act much quicker and more decisively in its chosen priority areas. For these policies, stronger tools are given to the EU27 to directly implement and enforce collective decisions, as it does today in competition policy or for banking supervision. Elsewhere, the EU27 stops acting or does less.
5: DOING MUCH MORE TOGETHER
In a scenario where there is consensus that neither the EU27 as it is, nor European countries on their own, are well-equipped enough to face the challenges of the day, Member States decide to share more power, resources and decision-making across the board. As a result, cooperation between all Member States goes further than ever before in all domains. The euro area is strengthened with the clear understanding that whatever is beneficial for countries sharing the common currency is also beneficial for all. Decisions are agreed faster at European level and are rapidly enforced.
